Post-Orbán Hungary: A New Chapter for the EU

By Lia Figueroa

Celebrations have been well on their way since the announcement of Hungary’s parliamentary election results. As the longest-serving head of government in EU history, Viktor Orbán has been defeated by a landslide by Péter Magyar (1). On election day, Hungary experienced a record turnout of 79% (2). This signals unusually high political will and engagement, which successfully brought an end to a government that had increasingly eroded EU unity. However, while the outcome appears decisive, Hungary’s future under Magyar remains optimistic rather than certain.

Hungary Under Orbán

Orbán’s rule, which lasted sixteen years, has been described as “illiberal democracy,” with the concentration of power and the weakening of institutional checks increasing over his time as Prime Minister. Legal opposition was limited, and Hungarian elections were considered by many to be “free but not fair.” His government rewrote media legislation, imposing fines for coverage it considered unbalanced or offensive, consolidating control over information (3). For example, the creation of KESMA in 2019 merged hundreds of media outlets under the control of Orbán’s allies. This significantly reduced media pluralism and democratic accountability as it allowed the government to exert influence over public discourse. In particular, the introduction of a new Fundamental Law in 2011 and the use of “cardinal laws,” which require a two-thirds majority to amend, made it extremely difficult for future governments to reverse Orbán-era policies. Beyond institutional reforms, Orbán’s government also placed pressure on civil society, including restrictions on NGOs receiving foreign funding and limitations on academic freedom. Such developments brought Hungary into conflict with the EU’s core principles under Article 2 of the Treaty on the EU (TEU). In response, EU institutions triggered Article 7 proceedings and introduced financial conditionality measures, including the suspension of funds (4).

When looking more closely at the EU-level, Orban has made many decisions that veered away from those of other member states. With Hungary’s Veto power, Orban blocked a crucial €90 billion aid package to Ukraine. HR/VP Kaja Kallas stated that Hungary had initially agreed to the loan, but later took its agreement back, adding that Orbán was not acting in good faith, a foundational principle of the EU treaty (5). Orban’s unconventional decisions, including this one, leaned heavily on his alliances with controversial political figures such as Putin, Trump, JD Vance, Netanyahu, Le Pen, and Meloni. Although Hungary reaped some benefits from these close relationships, such as a surge in Russian oil imports since the invasion of Ukraine, they may have further tarnished his public image, ultimately costing him the election. These decisions clearly positioned Hungary as a disruptive actor within the EU.

Magyar’s Leadership: Expectations and Challenges

With Orbán out of office, attention turns to the incoming Prime Minister. Conservative 45-year-old Peter Magyar, previously a loyalist to his nemesis Orbán, made his drastic shift in 2024 (6). His newly established Tisza Party positions itself as anti-corruption and reform-oriented, rather than focusing on the traditional left–right wing label. Much of his campaign thus focused on not being Orbán. It places strong emphasis on restoring the rule of law by strengthening judicial independence and limiting executive control. To fight corruption, Tisza has also been targeting the biased political and economic networks. Magyar plans to move away from Moscow’s influence and lift the vetoes that Orban had placed (7). Through this position, the party successfully attracted younger voters and urban populations, a crucial segment of the electorate. The question now is whether their actions will align with their promises.

The EU may play a key role in supporting this transition. Tisza has adopted a more pro-European stance than its predecessor, aligning with its voters' priorities, and Magyar claims that the victory means “Hungarian people said yes to Europe” (7). The new party plans on supporting cooperation with EU institutions and the release of suspended EU funds, while still framing this within Hungary’s national interests. This signals a potential return to EU alignment, with leaders offering their congratulations. President Macron shared that “France welcomes the victory of democratic participation, the Hungarian people’s commitment to the values of the European Union,” and Chancellor of Germany Merz emphasized joining forces for a “strong, secure and, above all, united Europe” (8).

Conclusion

Overall, Hungary’s 2026 parliamentary election represents a dramatic change in leadership and serves as a test of whether democratic systems can truly recover after prolonged institutional erosion. While the defeat of Orbán has been widely celebrated across Europe, Magyar’s challenges remain immense. For the EU, this win creates both an opportunity and a challenge. Hungary, which was ranked at the bottom of the EU member state rankings of government integrity just last year, will now begin to move back toward EU norms, but the depth of previous reforms means change is likely to be slow.